Beyond Iraq: The Future of World Order by Amitav Acharya, Hiro Katsumata

By Amitav Acharya, Hiro Katsumata

How does the Iraq conflict impact the longer term global order? What different types of difficulties has this struggle caused, and what's had to treatment those difficulties, on the way to reconstruct an order in Iraq and past? the current quantity is a set of essays exploring those matters, written by means of major students of their respective fields. Importantly, the Iraq struggle has triggered various long term defense and monetary difficulties in Iraq (Chapter 1) and within the heart East (Chapter 2). furthermore, this battle represents a failure of the Western liberals' venture of creating a liberal industry democracy, and those liberals tend to repeat an identical mistakes in different places sooner or later (Chapter 3). additionally, the battle underlines the challenge in international governance this present day, however the inspiration of reforming the United international locations has a few critical boundaries (Chapter 4). with reference to the problem of terrorism, "Al-Qaeda in Iraq" has been working within the box for a while, and hence Iraq will most probably stay a big international middle of terrorism within the foreseeable destiny (Chapter 5).

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Sample text

Not all the “high intensity” conflicts and “lower intensity” crises referred to above are the direct result of the Iraq War, but most are related to it in some way. At the most basic level, then, the Iraq War has increased instability throughout the region. It has not, so far, contributed to a resolution of existing problems, nor has it served as a warning to ambitious regional states; rather, it has introduced a new layer of instability in the region without facilitating resolution of the old.

First, the search for a solution to the Arab–Israel problem and Middle East peacemaking generally were obvious casualties of the Iraq War. Following a Saudi initiative in 2002, which remains on the table, the war has served to further postpone and complicate efforts at any comprehensive settlement by drawing attention and resources elsewhere, while presenting new obstacles in the form of radicalized positions by key actors like Syria, Hamas and Israel and change in balance of forces. The problem, in short, has become more intractable.

However, this project immediately ran into deep trouble for many reasons. The numerous nationalized industries were mostly on the brink of collapse due to their inefficiency and mismanagement under Saddam Hussein and many years of economic sanctions; looters caused an enormous amount of damage; criminal gangs, smugglers and corrupt state officials stole a substantial portion of Iraqi oil, oil revenues and other state funds; insurgents were determined to wreck any attempt at economic reconstruction as part of their efforts to drive out the occupiers; reconstruction was so inhibited by security concerns that not much was carried out in comparison with the scale of need; the Bush administration was more interested in appointing people who were politically loyal than competent; the Bush administration put US companies in charge with the result that those companies benefited more than Iraqis did; and anything other than the slow, piecemeal privatization of Iraqi oil was regarded by the US as too dangerous politically to attempt.

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