By Christoph Zurcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner
Costly Democracy makes the case that the personal tastes of family elites are tremendously formed by means of the prices they incur in adopting democracy, in addition to the leverage that peacebuilders wield to extend the prices of non-adoption. As circumstances from Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Timor, Rwanda, Namibia, Mozambique, and Tajikistan convey, family elites in postwar societies may well hope the resources—both fabric and symbolic—that peacebuilders can carry, yet they're much less wanting to undertake democracy simply because they think democratic reforms could endanger a few or all in their major pursuits. Costly Democracy deals comparative analyses of modern instances of peacebuilding to deepen figuring out of postwar democratization and higher clarify why peacebuilding missions usually convey peace, yet seldom democracy, to war-torn countries.
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Additional info for Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization After War
1 summarizes democratic adoption costs for the major domestic political actors in our nine cases. 1. Selected initial adoption costs of democracy. Medium High High Low High Low Low Low Medium Medium None None None None None None None Threat to domestic elites’ main goal posed by democracy High n/a High High Medium None None High High High High High High Low High High High Domestic elites’ need for international legitimation/PB support to achieve major goal Low Low Low Medium Medium None None Low Low Low Low High High High High Low High Domestic elites’ fear of direct sanctions for resisting democratization High High High High Medium Low Low Low Low Low Overall assessment of adoption cost at beginning of mission Leverage, Adoption Costs, and the Peacebuilding Game 33 external actors could impose in exchange for compliance or defection from the democratic political settlement.
Leaders in Namibia and East Timor enjoyed atypically low costs, and both countries were high performers with regard to their democratic outcomes. In contrast, Rwanda, Afghanistan, and Tajikistan had high adoption costs and were low performers. But to understand the peacebuilding process, it is not enough to note the relationship between adoption cost and outcome. Rather, it is important to understand to what extent adoption costs matter and whether peacebuilders can offset some of these costs through their policies.
Superficially, peacebuilders and domestic political actors have a common objective— building peace—but this objective is defined loosely enough to allow a constant bargaining over the exact form of the peace: that is, who will control the peacebuilding process, peacebuilding priorities, resource allocation, and, most importantly, who will determine political reform policies. What is at stake is not only how the peace will be built but also the kind of state that will emerge from this process. Even for UN missions conducted under a Chapter VII mandate that does not require host government consent, the experience of peacebuilders, from high-level executives to field officers, is a constant bargaining with domestic political actors.